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How does the two Catholic nt-sets compare?


mortenjensen

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Hi all

Does anyone know how the two Catholic nt-sets currently on sale compare? Which one would generally be the most scholarly interacting the most with research on the Greek text.

Also if you were to compare to Protestant sets, which would they compare to?

 

Morten

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I am assuming you mean:

• Catholic Commentary on Sacred Scripture: New Testament (11 volumes)--22% off!

• Sacra Pagina New Testament Commentary (18 volumes)--26% off!
 
I only own the Sacra Pagina, which is excellent and very useful.  I have looked into Catholic Commentary on Sacred Scriptures I found it very simplistic and not overly helpful, but that is a very brief assessment.
 
-Dan
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Yes, thanks Dan. What would you compare it to? Probably not as thorough and detailed as hermeneia and anchor?

Morten

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I think a fair comparison would be to pillar for sacra pagina. That said I like SP better than pillar. I find it also a higher quality than its companion OT series what ch is still quite useful.

 

-dan

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Here is a sample:

 

 

 
 
4. Church Order: Community Prayer (2:1–7)
 
1. First of all, therefore, I urge entreaties, prayers, intercessions, thanksgivings to be offered for all people, 2. for kings and all who are in places of prominence, that we might lead tranquil and quiet lives in all piety and probity. 3. This is good and pleasing in the sight of God our savior, 4. who wishes that all people be saved and come to knowledge of the truth.
  5. There is, after all, one God, and there is also one mediator between God and humans, a human, Christ Jesus.
  6. He is the one who gave himself as ransom for all; this was the testimony at the proper time.
7. For this I was appointed preacher and apostle (I am telling the truth, I am not lying), a teacher of the nations in faith and truth.
 
 
NOTES
 
1. entreaties: These “entreaties” (deēseis), mentioned first in the list “entreaties, prayers, intercessions, thanksgivings,” are a more specific type of prayers to God, as distinguished from the more general “prayer” (proseuchē; for the pair see Eph 6:18 and 1 Tim 5:5). While “entreaty” is based on LXX usage and peculiar to Christian writings, “prayer” is a widely used Greco-Roman word. It and its cognates are more frequent in the nt. Luke uses “entreaty” to characterize the piety of those associated with Jesus and the early Christian community (Luke 1:13; 2:37; 5:33; and see “entreaty” at Luke 10:2; 21:36; 22:32 and Acts 4:31; 8:24; 10:2). Paul uses the noun at Rom 10:1; 2 Cor 1:11; 9:14; Phil 1:4, 19; and see 2 Tim 1:3; 1 Pet 3:12; Jas 5:16, and the verb at Rom 1:10; 1 Thess 3:10. At Eph 6:18 prayer is recommended in the context of eschatological battle, while at Phil 4:6 Paul urges prayer, entreaty, and thanksgiving in declaring that the Lord is near (4:5) and alluding to end-time struggle and hope (3:18–21 and 4:3).
 
for all people: The universality of the prayer in light of God’s will to save all (2:3, which restates 1:15) turns the addressees’ attention outward to nonbelievers. This missionary concern will recur as an undercurrent throughout the letters. The spiritual efficacy of believers for the good of unbelievers was already voiced by Paul in 1 Cor 7:14; compare Acts 8:6. Perhaps there is a polemic concern here to distance the Pastorals community from the false teachers, who might well think that some are beyond salvation. This letter, on the other hand, looks to universal salvation (3:16; 5:10), even that of the opponents (2 Tim 2:25–26; Titus 2:11).
 
2. for kings: The hybridized church order and household code at 1 Pet 2:11–3:12 provides a good parallel for the church order section and household code material in 1 Timothy. The concern in 1 Peter is to maintain good conduct in order to avoid slanderous criticism (2:15) and perhaps even win over some in the wider community by being seen as people who do good (2:12). Key in this is remaining subject to human institutions, starting with the sovereign (2:13) and extending to all (2:17). So, too, 1 Timothy calls for prayer for the good of all while singling out kings and prominent persons whose opinion carries political and social influence. (Paul himself urged honor and subjection to authorities and political structures at Rom 13:1–7.) Prayer for chiefs of state in Hellenistic Judaism is found in Jeremiah 36 LXX; Ezra 6:6–12; 1 Bar 1:1–3:8; Ep. Aris. 45; 1 Macc 7:33; Josephus, Ant. 12.402; Bell. II.197. Like 1 Tim 2:2, 1 Clem. 60:2–4 and 61:1–2 have a prayer for Roman rulers that they may govern well and that all on earth may have peace (compare 1 Pet 2:13–17; Rom 13:1–7; Titus 3:1). Tertullian, Apol. 31.1–2 (FC 10:87) points to this text to show the detractors of Christianity that Christians have an interest in the emperor’s welfare, with prayer publicly enjoined on them (and see Origen, Cels. 8.73 [OAC 509]). First Timothy adds the intention of their and everyone else’s salvation.
 
tranquil and quiet lives: This is not a call to a life similar to the Epicureans’ withdrawal from public affairs, since the community leaders and members are expected to have good public reputations (e.g., 3:7; 5:14; Titus 1:6; 2:8). Rather, the exhortation looks to the reasonable expectation that the Christian community will escape public interference if it does not arouse public and official condemnation by reason of behavior that upsets traditional social values.
Bede, Homilies on the Gospels 1.6 (HOG 1:52), reminds us that the mediator’s intervention, i.e., Jesus’ birth, was through a divinely arranged plan “that in a calm among the storm of wars a singular tranquility of unusual peace should cover the whole world” (and see Diogn. 9.1–2). The prayer for universal peace is always appropriate. Since faith in action is an undercurrent of the PE, working for peace and reconciliation can also be seen as an imperative for the Christian faithful.
New religions were greeted with suspicion in the traditional society of the late Roman republic and early empire. These religions were accused of threatening the established social order (Tacitus, Historiae 5.5), introduced outlandish superstitions and odd rituals often carried out in secret (Plutarch, Conj. praec. 140D), and were linked with sexual immorality (Apuleius, Metam. IX.14; Juvenal, Sat. 6). Christians were objects of disdain (Lucian, Peregr. 13; Pliny, Ep. 96).
Furthermore, the extreme behavior encouraged (e.g., asceticism, 1 Tim 4:3) or tolerated (emancipation of slaves, 1 Tim 6:1–2, and of women, 1 Tim 2:11–15; 5:8, 11–13), the disturbance caused within the community by heterodox teaching (see 1 Tim 1:4–7; 6:3–5; 2 Tim 2:16–18; 3:1–9; 4:3–4; Titus 3:9), and the danger to the moral fabric of the community (e.g., 1 Tim 1:9–10; 6:3–5, 9–10; 2 Tim 3:2–5; Titus 1:15–16) could be a cause for the low esteem for and even prejudice against the church (compare 1 Thess 4:11).
The prayer for a tranquil and peaceful life, therefore, is not surprising. It also echoes the type of life prized in Greco-Roman writers such as Plutarch, Mor. 1033 C-D; Otho 4,4; Epictetus, Diatr. 1.10.2; Cicero, De Senectute 22; Pro Sestio 23; and even as a school exercise in Theon, Rhet. 12.247–248, 251. As mentioned above, however, 1 Timothy is not to be understood as the Epicurean withdrawal from public activity some of its contemporaries promote.
 
quiet: This word and its cognate “be quiet” (hēsychazō) appears elsewhere in the NT to indicate cessation from argument and objections (Acts 11:18; 21:14; 22:2) and tranquility associated with minding one’s own affairs (1 Thess 4:11; 2 Thess 3:12). This certainly proposes a positive alternative to the false teachers’ speculations and contestations and the community uproar resulting from them. Its use in 1 Thessalonians 4 indicates that this community ideal is not opposed to an eschatological expectation.
 
piety: Except for Acts 3:12, all other NT uses of the word eusebeia are in the PE (10x) and 2 Peter (4x). The same is true for the cognates “act piously” (eusebeō, Acts 17:23 and 1 Tim 5:4), “pious” (eusebēs, Acts 10:27; 2 Pet 2:9), “piously” (eusebōs, 2 Tim 3:12; Titus 2:12). While rare in the LXX, it is relatively frequent in the Apocrypha, especially 4 Maccabees. The Greek concept originally referred to the externals of the cult and later came to mean religious piety. The word in the PE has been associated with the letters’ “bourgeois” outlook in conjunction with the church’s readjustment to the delay of the parousia. This claim of eschatological tepidity in the PE is questionable; so too is the interpretation of their promotion of piety. In the terminology of the Greek popular philosophers, “piety” came to mean “knowledge of divine worship” (epistēmē theōn therapeias, Sextus Empiricus, Pros physikous 1.123 p. 242 [Kern]; Diog. L. 7.119), and compare “impiety” or asebeia as “ignorance of divine worship” (agnoia theōn therapeias, Stobaeus, Eth. II.68; Pseudo-Plato, Def. 412e), and in Gnostic texts “piety with knowledge” (hē meta gnōseos eusebeia, Corp. herm. VI.5; X.19). This echoes the diaspora Jewish usage in the LXX, where piety translates “fear of the Lord” or “reverential awe” in texts where it is associated with knowledge of God (Isa 11:2; 33:6; Prov 1:7). The accusation at 2 Tim 3:5 that the false teachers have only the appearance of piety but not its power rests on the preceding charge (3:4b) that they are lovers of pleasure rather than of God, and this is backed up by the vice list in 3:2–4a. Similarly, Titus 1:16 notes that false teachers “claim to know God but deny him by their deeds.” Thus the false teachers hold their knowledge of God to be piety (and see 1 Tim 6:3, 5 and 20), but their actions are not guided by it (whether they divorce ethics from theology or their misguided theology leads to immoral behavior). Therefore it cannot be true. The implication is clear; true piety is manifested in deeds. Thus 1 Tim 2:2 calls for a tranquil way of living, with piety and probity, while 1 Tim 4:8 recommends piety based on present salvation and eternal life in the future as opposed to asceticism on the basis of erroneous myths. The misconduct and sin of heterodox teachers at 1 Tim 6:3–5 are contrasted with the virtuous life of piety (1 Tim 6:6, 11–12). Similarly, 1 Tim 5:4 uses the verb in an application to family obligations, and the adverb at 2 Tim 3:12 contrasts the new life of those who accept Jesus with the depravity of the deceivers and deceived, while at Titus 2:12–14 a link is made between the present devout life in this age, rendered pure of lawlessness, with the hope of the parousia (see also 1 Tim 3:15–16). The recognition of truth in hope of eternal life can also be found at Titus 1:1. It thus appears that piety includes the intellectual side of faith, that is, correct doctrine. At the same time it also looks to Christian life as a visible result of this correct knowledge of God. The saving action of Jesus makes this new life possible, and the new life looks ahead to the parousia and eternal life. The non-Pauline term thus meets the new challenge of the teachers, with their new knowledge of the truths of faith and its disruptive effects in the community (and see 1 Clem. 15.1).
 
probity: The word semnotēs (“probity”) and its cognate (semnos, “honorable”) appears almost exclusively in the PE (except Phil 4:8). Probity is here expected of all in the community. This is made explicit for household masters at 1 Tim 3:4, for male deacons at 1 Tim 3:8, for female deacons at 1 Tim 3:11, for older women at Titus 2:2, and for Titus at Titus 2:7. A concern for the uprightness of the community in the eyes of outsiders runs throughout the letters (see Wis 8:7).
 
3. savior: See the Note on 1:1.
 
4. that all people be saved: This, together with the title “savior” (sōtēr) for God, underlines a key theological position of the PE (see 1 Tim 1:15; 4:10), probably in reaction to an understanding of salvation among the false teachers that is not as extensive and is linked to their esoteric knowledge (see piety above, and 1 Tim 1:6–7). The letters, therefore, reiterate “our” salvation (1 Tim 1:1; 2:3; 2 Tim 1:9–10; Titus 1:3, 4; 2:10; 3:4) as paradigmatic for that of all people who accept the truth of faith as God and Christ desire that all do.
Salvation is from ignorance (1 Tim 2:4; Titus 1:1). Salvation is also from sin and leads to a new life of holiness (2 Tim 1:9; Titus 2:14; 3:4–7). This salvation and new life are both present and linked with the revelation and hope of an immortal future (2 Tim 1:9, 10; Titus 1:2–3). This is consonant with the idea of piety (see above). By his proclamation of the word of God, Paul mediates salvation to the elect (2 Tim 2:10 and see 1 Tim 4:16 for Timothy). The key event in the salvation process is the appearance on earth and redemptive death of Jesus (1 Tim 1:15; 2 Tim 1:10; Titus 3:4–5). This is a historical reality and not a mythical fabrication (1 Tim 1:4; 4:7; Titus 1:14), of which the false teachers are proponents (and compare 2 Pet 1:16).
 
knowledge of the truth: Knowledge implies recognition of God, which is also effective in the conduct of the one who knows God. Biblical “truth” (alētheia) differs from secular truth or something simply genuine (Turner, Christian Words, 464–67). The LXX often applies the word to God as a quality (Gen 24:27; 32:10; 2 Kgs 2:6; 15:20; Pss 39 [40]:11; 42 [43]:3), and it also can involve behavior and speech, but the latter as other than correctness in information (Judg 9:16; 1 Kgs 12:24). The psalmist prays to be led in God’s truth (Ps 24 [25]:5, LXX for God’s “faithfulness,” and see Gen 47:29; Josh 2:14; 2 Kgs 15:20; Neh 9:33). While Plutarch (Is. Os. 2) uses it to mean correct information about the gods as opposed to false propaganda, Philo (Spec. Leg. 4.178) ties it to Judaism and ultimate truth. In the letters undisputedly written by Paul and in the PE the truth seems to mean the Gospel preaching (2 Tim 2:15; 4:4; 2 Cor 6:7; Col 1:5; Eph 1:13) or a body of doctrine beyond the Gospel (Rom 1:18, 25; 3:7; 15:8; see Jas 5:19). For 1 Tim 3:15; 2 Tim 2:15 the truth appears to be an accepted body of doctrine. The phrase “knowledge of the truth” (epignōsis alētheias) is akin to a terminus technicus for accepting Christianity at 1 Tim 2:4; 2 Tim 2:25; 3:7; Titus 1:1, and for some this has signaled a narrowing of the understanding of Christian faith to its intellectual or dogmatic content. Titus 1:1 (and compare 1 Tim 2:7; 4:3), however, distinguishes “faith” from “knowledge of the truth” and adds the qualification “in accordance with piety.” Thus, while the intellectual aspect of Christianity is stressed in light of the conflict with heterodox, apostate teachers, there is still a distinction between intellectual content and faith. Moreover, the knowledge of the truth is ineluctably connected with proper action, a connection already made at Rom 1:18, 25, 28; 2:20 (and see Col 1:6, 9–10). Surprisingly, 2 Thess 2:12–14 refers to belief with truth as its object, which the PE do not do. Therefore, while the undeniable stress on knowledge of the truth is understandable in light of the community situation, the PE do not restrict Christianity to its intellectual component.
 
5. one God: The fundamental theological insight carried over from Judaism (Mal 2:10) is reiterated throughout the NT (1 Cor 8:4; 12:5–6; Rom 3:30; Eph 4:5–6).
 
mediator: Parallel with the credal affirmation about the one God at 1 Cor 8:6 is the affirmation of belief in the one Lord Jesus Christ. Here at 1 Tim 2:5 a similar double credal affirmation appears. The first is the affirmation of the oneness of God; the second is of Christ Jesus as a human being (see Rom 5:5) and mediator (see also Heb 8:6; 9:15–28; 12:24; and compare Gal 3:19–20 for Moses). The letter uses the word anthrōpos, the word for “human” as opposed to the male gender-specific anēr, which appears in v. 8 for the prayer instructions for men in the community. Secular Greek usage describes the mediator or arbitrator as one who mediates between two parties to remove a disagreement or reach a common goal. In Hellenistic Judaism (T. Dan 6:2) the mediator between God and humanity is the interceding angel. The primary mediator, however, is Moses (Philo, Moses 2.116; Dreams 1.143; Heir 206; Josephus, Ant. 7.193; T. Mos. 1:14; 3:12; Deut. Rab. 3 [201], referring to Exod 34:1; Pesiq. Rab. 45 on Exod 34:30). Whereas the concept of mediation in connection with Moses’ mediation of the covenant is disparaged at Gal 3:19–20, in 1 Timothy it is Christianized and prized. Moses is the type of Jesus as mediator (1 Cor 10:2 and Rom 6:3), for Jesus’ mediation brings into effect God’s salvific will (1 Tim 2:4). The universality of this salvific aim (as opposed to the false teachers’ view) and of Christianity (as distinct from Jewish particularism) is expressed with the words “humans,” v. 5, and “all,” v. 6. Jesus’ humanity is stressed here (see 1 Tim 1:15 and Tertullian, De Carne Christi 15 [ANF 3:534], against the Gnostic Valentinus’ spiritual flesh, specifies a human substance as Paul’s only meaning) and his self-sacrificing and redemptive death is proclaimed (and compare Titus 2:14 as well as Rom 3:24; 5:18; 6:6–11). The identity of Jesus as mediator between God and humanity indicates the enduring presence of that redemptive mediation. Augustine, Enchir. 108.28 (LCC 7:404) explains that the mediator had to be a sinless human, and God as well, to heal humanity through divine humility. The salvific effects of his death in the past extend into the present, the now of salvation, by the Gospel, in expectation of life eternal (2 Tim 1:10; Titus 1:13; 2:11–12). A. T. Hanson suggests that at this point Timothy is using an outline of prayer for public worship, and he finds intriguing parallel phraseology at 1 Clem. 59.2, 4; 60. 4; 61.1, 2, 3.
 
6. ransom: The fundamental christological and soteriological affirmation in v. 6a re-expresses Mark 10:45 with some stylistic alterations. Although the Messianic title “son of man” (huios tou anthrōpou) in the gospels would fit the role of the mediator, 1 Tim 2:5 uses “Christ” (christos). The Greek expression “himself” (heautōn) substitutes for the Hebrew “his life” (tēn psychēn, BDF 283.4). The prefix anti- added to lytron in the word antilytron (“ransom”) reflects the PE’s preference for compound words. “For all” (hyper pantōn) is the Greek equivalent of the Hebrew universal/indefinite “for many” (anti pollōn).
The three Hebrew words behind the Greek antilytron (“ransom”) suggest vicarious payment for the life of another in covering a fault or debt (koper in Hebrew). Mekilta on Exodus 21:30 (93a) explains that the price of payment is the value of the guilty party if he were to be sold as a slave. The redemption is by the nearest relative, which came to mean God as “redeemer” (goʾel) of Israel, God’s people; but the redemption can be accomplished by a nonfamily member (podeh) who makes payment. The payment is not inanimate, but rather life for life. While Hebrew thought first applied the idea of redemption to the release of the nation from bondage (Exod 6:6 and Isaiah 40–55), it came to be connected with sin as the life of faith came to be individualized (Ps 129:8; 144:10). This grew to include redemption from death and from the powers of the underworld (Ps 49:14; Job 19:25). There can be no self-redemption here; only God can redeem in the face of death.
Later Jewish thought expressed the idea of the atoning power of the wise man (Philo, Sacr. 121) and the righteous sufferer. Secular usage of lytron also denotes “payment” for release of prisoners, slaves, or persons under a bond. Infrequent cultic use refers to payment to a deity to whom a person is indebted (Lucian, Dial. d. 4.2; Aeschylus, Choeph. 48).
First Timothy 2:6 thus repeats a basic formula of Christian belief. Universal salvation is expressed by the redemption of Christ’s self-offering. It is an offering of life for life, by one like and kin to the captives. Nonetheless, while human, Christ Jesus is more than human (see 1:2) and so can effect the payment that is more than self-redemption by humans. The issue raised later (e.g., by Anselm) as to who received the payment is not addressed. Romans 3:24–26 describes the redemption with cultic imagery. The redemption in Romans 3, Mark 10, and here is from the bondage of sin and opens access to eternal life (see also Titus 2:14).
 
testimony: This noun in the accusative is in apposition with v. 6a and is the object of the verb “give” (dous). While the relative clause in v. 7 identifies the testimony with the Gospel, the word also refers to the testimony of the paschal events (both Jesus’ words and his actions) for Jesus’ own day. First Timothy 6:13 recalls Jesus’ testimony (martyrēsantos) before Pilate, to which Timothy’s confession stands in parallel (see Titus 1:3). Second Timothy 1:8–11 calls attention to the moment of the manifestation of God’s grace according to the prior design. This manifestation was made in the death of Christ the savior. The testimony of the Lord parallels Paul’s, and both involve suffering and death (2:11; 4:6). The Gospel brings the saving effects of this into the current generation of believers.
 
7. preacher: Used only in the PE, the word points to the proclamation task that is yet to be accomplished, a missionary accent (see also 2 Tim 1:11 and cognates “preaching,” kērygma, 2 Tim 4:17; Titus 1:3; “preach,” kēryssō, 1 Tim 3:16; 2 Tim 4:2). For “apostle” see 1 Tim 1:1.
 
I am telling the truth: The Pauline phrase (Rom 9:1) alerts the audience in an oral reading context to the veracity of what follows.
 
teacher: Paul, who engages in teaching (1 Cor 4:17), does not use the title of himself, but he lists it along with other “gifts” (1 Cor 12:28–29). The function is critical for the PE in view of the doctrinal struggles at Ephesus. See 2 Tim 1:11 and contrast the unauthorized teachers at 2 Tim 4:3.
 
 
INTERPRETATION
 
First Timothy 2:1–6:2 is at once the body of the letter and the PE’s adaptation of the household or station code scheme. The household or station code in Greco-Roman moral instruction outlined the duties of members of households according to a standard pattern, usually husbands and wives, fathers and children, masters and slaves. Such a list is often referred to as a Haustafel or list of household duties. In the line of development from the Haustafel at Col 3:18–4:1; Eph 5:21–6:9 through the household code with the additional exhortations to community groups and officers at Pol. Phil. 4:2–6:1; Ign. Pol. 4:1–6:2, the PE also include qualifications for officials here and at Titus 1:5–9; 2:1–10; 3:1–11 and particular advice to the addressees. Material that is not part of the expanded schema also interrupts the station code here. In the body of the letter Paul gives advice and directives to the community in a setting in which the letter is the surrogate presence of the apostle.
In describing the intention of the community’s prayer (2:2), Paul stresses supplication for quiet and tranquility with piety and reverence, an obvious contrast with the endless genealogies and speculation (1:4) of the false teachers. These teachers also lurk in the shadows of the description of God’s will for all to be saved and come to know the truth. This sums up Paul’s path (1:13, 15–16) and by way of contrast describes what the false teachers need. The same holds true for the qualities of piety and reverence, for the false teachers (1:9) are “irreverent” (asebeis) and “unruly” (anypotaktoi). The hierarchical focus on prayer for “kings and all in prominent places” relates both to the larger community toward which the letters turn a steady and cautious eye (3:7; 6:1; 2 Tim 1:8; 2:15; Titus 2:7–8) and to the community of the PE itself. The lawless and unruly false teachers resist the requirements of order, while the letters advance order in their focus on community officials described and designated (Titus 1:5), including Timothy (and Titus), easy targets of criticism because of their youth (e.g., 4:12; 2 Tim 2:22; Titus 2:15). The salvation willed by God (2:3) finds expression as accomplished by the historical event of Jesus’ self-gift in ransom for all (2:5–6) which, again, recalls the universally applicable example of Paul (1:16). This divine will worked out in the unique mediation of Jesus between the one God and all humans clarifies the divine plan, ignored by the false teachers as they vainly research myths and genealogies (1:4).
Another aspect of the example of Paul from 1:12, 16 is his task of announcing and teaching this salvation to all nations. In this way Paul advances the part of Jesus’ work that invited participation and emulation, that is, witness (2:15). Paul’s apostolic proclamation and teaching aims at the “peoples” (ethnōn, and see Rom 15:7–24) and thus parallels Jesus’ universal mediation between God and humanity. This carries forward the divine will that all be saved, for salvation is linked with coming to know the truth (2:4), and truth, along with faith, characterizes Paul’s preaching/teaching (2:6).
In this chapter the letter turns from the allusion to sound teaching and warnings against the false teachers to “church order” material (compare Eph 5:22–6:9; Col 3:18–4:1; 1 Pet 2:13–3:7; Titus 2:2–10), which continues through 3:16. In this connection, at 3:15 the author identifies the church as the household of God. The church’s growth necessitated organization and institutionalization and could no longer entrust itself to charismatic enthusiasm (Brox, Pastoralbriefe, 121). Paul details his hortatory prescriptions after the brief credal affirmation, which expresses the basis (Jesus’ death and resurrection witness) and motivation (succeeding Jesus’ witness to lead people to salvation) for his work. The PE thus locate the “church order” within the apostolic tradition of Paul.
 
 
FOR REFERENCE AND FURTHER STUDY
 
  Balch, David L. Let Wives Be Submissive: The Domestic Code in 1 Peter. SBLMS 26. Chico: Scholars Press, 1981, 73–74, 101–102.
  Banks, Robert. Paul’s Idea of Community: The Early House Churches in Their Historical Setting. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1980.
  Borse, Udo. 1. und 2. Timotheusbrief, 37–38, 40.
  Fee, Gordon D. “Reflections on Church Order in the Pastoral Epistles, with Further Reflection on the Hermeneutics of ad hoc Documents,” JETS 28 (1985) 141–51.
  Fiore, Benjamin. “Household Rules at Ephesus,” in John T. Fitzgerald, Thomas H. Olbricht, and L. Michael White, eds., Early Christianity and Classical Culture: Comparative Studies in Honor of Abraham J. Malherbe. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2003, 606–607.
  Foerster, Werner. “EYSEBEIA in den Pastoralbriefen,” NTS 5 (1958–1959) 213–18.
  Grosheide, Frederik Willem. “The Pauline Epistles as Kerygma,” in Studia Paulina in honorem Johannis de Zwaan septuagenarii. Haarlem: Bohn, 1953, 139–45.
  Hahn, Ferdinand. “Die Schöpfungsmittlerschaft Christi bei Paulus und in der Deuteropaulinen,” in Cesare Casale Marcheselli, ed., Parola e Spirito, Studi in Onore di Settimio Cipriani. Brescia: Paideia, 1982, 1:661–78.
  Hanson, Anthony Tyrrell. Studies in the Pastoral Epistles. London: SPCK, 1968, 23, 56–77.
  MacDonald, Dennis Ronald. The Legend and the Apostle: The Battle for Paul in Story and Canon. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1983, 54–72.
  Modrzejewski, Joseph M. “Private Arbitration in Graeco-Roman Egypt,” JJP 6 (1952) 247 n. 79.
  Nilsson, Martin Persson. “The High God and the Mediator,” HTR 56 (1963) 101–20.
  Senior, Donald. “Parousia,” TBT 25 (1987) 220–22.
  Verner, David C. Household of God, 83–111, 166–71.
  Veyne, Paul, ed. A History of Private Life from Pagan Rome to Byzantium. Trans. Arthur Goldhammer. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987, 210–14.
 
 
Daniel J. Harrington, “Editor’s Preface,” in The Pastoral Epistles: First Timothy, Second Timothy, Titus, ed. Daniel J. Harrington, vol. 12, Sacra Pagina Series (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 2007), 56–63.
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